The Muslim World is a Permanent Refugee Crisis : Daniel Greenfield

Forget the Syrian Civil War for a moment. Even without the Sunnis and Shiites competing to give each other machete haircuts every sunny morning, there would still be a permanent Muslim refugee crisis.

The vast majority of civil wars over the last ten years have taken place in Muslim countries. Muslim countries are also some of the poorest in the world. And Muslim countries also have high birth rates.

Combine violence and poverty with a population boom and you get a permanent migration crisis.

No matter what happens in Syria or Libya next year, that permanent migration crisis isn’t going away.

The Muslim world is expanding unsustainably. In the Middle East and Asia, Muslims tend to underperform their non-Muslim neighbors both educationally and economically. Oil is the only asset that gave Muslims any advantage and in the age of fracking, its value is a lot shakier than it used to be.

The Muslim world lost its old role as the intermediary between Asia and the West. And it has no economic function in the new world except to blackmail it by spreading violence and instability.

Muslim countries with lower literacy rates, especially for women, are never going to be economic winners at any trade that doesn’t come gushing out of the ground. Nor will unstable dictatorships ever be able to provide social mobility or access to the good life. At best they’ll hand out subsidies for bread.

The Muslim world has no prospects for getting any better. The Arab Spring was a Western delusion.

Growing populations divided along tribal and religious lines are competing for a limited amount of land, power and wealth. Countries without a future are set to double in size.

There are only two solutions; war or migration.

Either you fight and take what you want at home. Or you go abroad and take what you want there.

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Please, Don’t Tell Me : Rael Jean Isaac

Tuvia Tenenbom’s forthcoming book is called Don’t Quote Me, but the reaction in the English speaking world has been “Don’t Tell Me.” Melanie Phillips in The Jerusalem Post reports on the difficulties Tenenbom is encountering—despite his record as a best-selling author—in finding an American publisher for what she describes as a “savage, disturbing, comical and important book about how Americans think.”

His new book, to be released in Germany in September, follows what has become Tenenbom’s modus operandi–he wanders the country for six months posing as a non-Jewish German. First it was Germany (I Sleep in Hitler’s Room), then Israel (Catch the Jew!), now the United States. One of the ugly truths Tenenbom unmasks in his new book (which he also laid bare in Catch the Jew!) is the role of Jewish leftists in spreading Jew-hatred (in the guise of “human rights”). Phillips is doubtless right in believing this is a major factor in his problem finding a publisher for Don’t Quote Me, given the large role Jews on the left have in the U.S. publishing world.

A taste of what English-language publishers don’t want readers to hear can be gleaned from a recent radio interview with Tenenbom by Ari Fleisher in Jerusalem. Tenenbom describes openly-voiced anti-Semitism, now familiar in Europe, coming to America, among the millennials especially and of course in the colleges. He even heard slogans of “Free Palestine” in Republican states like Montana. And as in Israel he found, except among the Orthodox, a substantial number of Jewish self-haters, harboring a passionate commitment “to point a finger at the rest of the Jews for how bad they are, occupiers, racists and whatever.…Look at a person. If everyone hates that person and wants to kill him and that person wants to kill himself, what’s going to happen?…If you want to die and I want to kill you and we meet in the same room, we’ll make a deal. Too many Jews are self-hating and in the outside world too many people hate the Jews and the only thing that’s changing is in America it’s happening now.”

It is not only Tenenbom’s findings that many Jews find uncomfortable to hear. They avoid recognizing that major Jewish organizations have collapsed just when they are most needed. The Anti-Defamation League, which one would expect to find in the forefront of the battle for Jews and Israel, is not merely missing in action, but in crucial areas ranged on the opposing side. There is no greater long term threat to the welfare of Jews in the United States than Muslim immigration. The threat is not only to Jews: as Kevin Williamson has pointed out “the plain conclusion to be drawn from the European experience is that if a Western country does not already have a large, poorly assimilated Muslim minority population, it would do well to not acquire one.” But Jews are the most severely and immediately threatened, for if there is one cultural trait Muslims—especially those from Syria– bring with them, it is hatred of Israel—and contempt for Jews. It does not take prophetic powers to realize that changing demographics mean a shift in the electoral landscape. The Democratic Party already shows dramatic signs of a shift against Israel. Universities, where Muslims combine with the left to demonize Israel, will become even more unwelcoming places for Jewish students. Yet eleven major Jewish organizations, the ADL in the forefront are urging acceptance of even more Syrian refugees than Obama proposed.

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Commemorating Iraqi Jewry’s Farhud :Ben Cohen

Every Iraqi Jew has a tale to tell about the Farhud, the two-day pogrom that befell the Jews of Baghdad 75 years ago in June 1941. In the case of my own family, it was a matter of heeding the advice of a Muslim business colleague of my grandfather, who told him that dark days were looming for the Jews, and that he would be wise to get his family out of the country as quickly as possible — which my grandfather did.

But my grandfather was part of a fortunate minority. When the Farhud — which means, in Arabic, “violent dispossession” — erupted, there were around 90,000 Jews still living in the Iraqi capital, the main component of a vibrant community descended from the sages who, 27 centuries earlier, had made the land once known as Babylon the intellectual and spiritual center of Judaism.

By the time the violent mob stood down, at the end of the festival of Shavuot, nearly 200 Jews lay dead, with hundreds more wounded, raped, and beaten. Hundreds of homes and businesses were burned to the ground. As the smoke cleared over a scene more familiar in countries like Russia, Poland, and Germany, the Jewish community came to the realization that it had no future in Iraq. Within a decade, almost the entire community had been chased out, joining a total of 850,000 Jews from elsewhere in the Arab world summarily dispossessed from their homes and livelihoods.

That the Farhud is even remembered today is in large part due to a handful of scholars and activists who have committed themselves to publicizing this terrible episode. During the week of the Farhud’s 75th anniversary, some of them — like the American writer Edwin Black and Lyn Julius, the British historian of Middle Eastern Jewish origin — have been organizing memorial ceremonies in the US, the UK, and especially Israel, which absorbed the great majority of Iraqi-Jewish refugees. I myself was honored to address the memorial ceremony at New York City’s Safra Synagogue, where 27 candles — one for each century of the Jewish presence in Iraq — were lit and then promptly snuffed out, to symbolize the sudden extinction of Iraqi Jewry.

Commemorating the Farhud, and establishing its rightful place as an example of the persecution of the Jews during the Nazi era, has been a difficult task. For several decades after the Second World War, the importance of the Farhud was subsumed by the widely held notion that the Holocaust was something that consumed only European Jews. The truth was that the Nazis had both a direct presence and significant influence across the Arab world. So when, in 1941, the British had suffered a series of blows in southern Europe and North Africa, the time was right for a coup against the pro-British government in Baghdad. The strategic goal of the Nazis was to seize Iraq’s oil fields, thereby providing them with the fuel needed for the invasion of the Soviet Union.

In April, the month my grandfather and his family left Iraq, a local Nazi lackey, Rashid Ali al Ghailani, seized power, believing that an alliance with Hitler would create the conditions for Iraq’s national independence. Rashid Ali’s principal supporter was the pro-Nazi Mufti of Jerusalem, Hajj Amin al-Husseini, who arrived in Baghdad in 1939 having escaped British arrest. Until then, the mufti’s main role had involved inciting genocidal violence against the Jewish community in British Mandatory Palestine, which was especially pronounced during the Arab revolt of 1936-39. Once in Iraq, the mufti solidified his Nazi loyalties, meeting with Hitler in Berlin in November 1941 and later organizing Bosnian and Albanian Muslims into the “Handzar” division of the SS.

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Dov Waxman, Trouble in the Tribe: The American Jewish Conflict over Israel Reviewed by David Isaac

Dov Waxman, a professor of political science at Northeastern University, says he has written Trouble in the Tribe to investigate the “internecine battle” waged over Israel in the American Jewish community. What emerges instead is an apologia for radical anti-Israel Jewish organizations and a distorted image of organized American Jewry as intolerant, elitist, and intent on silencing those who dare criticize Israel.

The author’s failure to level with the reader is clear by the second chapter. It’s here that Waxman introduces us to his first example of how a dissenting group was “denounced” and “shunned” by organized American Jewry. That group was Breira, an organization established in 1973 following the Yom Kippur War. Breira means “alternative” in Hebrew, and the alternative it offered was a PLO-run state in the West Bank and Gaza. In Waxman’s telling, the group came from “the heart of the Jewish community” but was smeared by right-wing organizations after it came to light that two of Breira’s members had met with Palestinians with close ties to the PLO (in Israel meeting with the PLO was then illegal).

The trouble with Waxman’s narrative is that neither Breira’s position nor its members’ PLO meet-and-greet was the issue. What did Breira in was not dissent, but flying under a false flag. What was exposed, through a monograph put out by Americans for a Safe Israel—Waxman incorrectly names it American Friends for a Safe Israel—was who was in Breira’s leadership. The group’s first two paid staff members came from CONAME, as did 19 other members of Breira, many of whom held positions on its executive and advisory committees. CONAME originated as a front group for the Socialist Workers Party, and was described by Time as one of the Arab or pro-Arab organizations working in the United States. The group specialized in bringing anti-Israel speakers like Israel Shahak (who called the whole idea of a Jewish state “unjust and absurd”) to American campuses. During the 1973 war, it had joined with Arab and pro-Arab organizations in sending telegrams to Congress urging “no arms to Israel.” When this was exposed, the group claimed lamely that its name had been used without its consent.

Breira had roped in a number of high-profile Jews who took at face value Breira’s claim to be pro-Israel. When they realized they had been duped, some—including Harvard sociology professor Nathan Glazer, scholar of Judaism Jacob Neusner, and Rabbi Robert Gordis, editor of Judaism—jumped ship. Internal dissent doomed the organization. None of this you would learn from Waxman.

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Brexit, the EU, Israel : Michael Kuttner

Editor’s Note: Prior to the Brexit vote, a Jewish Chronicle survey found that while Jews were divided, the majority planned to vote “Remain.” The following is excerpted from an article by Michael Kuttner (a New Zealander now living in Israel) who thinks their “Remain” vote was a mistake.

By the time you read this, the results of the British referendum will be known. Whether the UK remains or exits the European Union the repercussions of its decision will be felt by Israel and Jews in Europe alike.

Europe has become a major trading region for Israel. However with the chaos caused by a weak Euro, severe economic recessions in many member countries, rampant unemployment especially amongst the young generation and a general malaise as evidenced in France, it is time to turn our trading efforts eastward. This is exactly what Israel has been doing in recent times. Not only is it unwise to put all our trading eggs in one basket, diversification also reduces the probability of boycotts and economic blackmail.

The idea of submerging national feelings of patriotism to some sort of universal attachment to European togetherness has manifestly failed. Today we are facing a virulent resurgence of age-old prejudices against Jews as well as other minorities, with political parties dedicated to ominous echoes from the recent past poised to take power in several countries. A union of countries in the future with an agenda hostile to Jews and prepared to ban circumcision and Shechita and Kosher food is far more dangerous than individual countries trying to go it alone.

The EU as it has evolved today believes that it has a divine mission to meddle endlessly in our affairs, assert its non-existent right to impose solutions on Israel which will in effect lead to our demise and to punish us with boycotts and labeling if we do not meekly acquiesce. In addition and far more galling the EU provides millions of Euros to the kleptomaniac Palestinian Arab Authority which only this week announced via its Prime Minister that stipends to terrorists who have murdered Israelis and their families will be increased. For good measure he described these terrorists as heroes. Has the EU cut off funding in the face of this? Of course they have not.

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Generally Bad Leaders: Ruth King

Generals renowned for strategy and bravery in war often make very poor national leaders. I speak here not of tin pot dictators and “generalisimos” whose chests are festooned with medals and ribbons, but of Israeli generals. As Martin Sherman, Israel’s superb commentator, wrote in The Jerusalem Post over a year ago in “Goofy Generals Galore”: “Virtually every time top military figures have departed from their field of expertise and ventured into one where they have none (politics), they have–almost invariably—been disastrously wrong.”

Moshe Dayan was commander of the Jerusalem front in Israel’s War of Independence and Chief of Staff during the 1956 Suez War. In 1967, while Minister of Defense, he became the symbol of the IDF. Probably the most famous photograph of the 1967 war, is that of Dayan praying at the just-liberated Western Wall. His downfall came when he was blamed for the intelligence failures prior to the 1973 war. Inexplicably in 1977 Menachem Begin restored him to public life by making him Foreign Minister. Dayan played a critical role in implementing the infamous Camp David Accords between Israel and Egypt. As lead negotiator, he held secret meetings with officials in India, Iran, England and Morocco and prodded a reluctant Begin to accept all Sadat’s demands. The resulting peace agreement gave Israel nothing but promises, which were flouted by Egypt before the ink was dry. In return Israel surrendered the entire Sinai and agreed to give ‘autonomy” to the Arab residents of Judea and Samaria. As Henry Kissinger later commented, “autonomy” was the embryo of partition and independence.

Yigal Allon was a respected general who served as Prime Minister for three weeks in 1969 when Levi Eshkol died suddenly. Shortly after the 1967 war his Allon Plan proposed the first post war surrender: it proposed partitioning the West Bank between Israel and Jordan, creating a Druze state in the Golan Heights, and returning most of the Sinai to Arab control. It was immediately rejected by King Hussein and ridiculed by the other Arab states, but it laid bare Israel’s willingness to divide the area, laying the ground for successive American sponsored “peace processes.”

The next general to become Prime Minister was Yitzhak Rabin who served twice, from 1974 to 1955 and again from July 1992 to November 1995 when he was assassinated. While during his first tenure he oversaw the hugely successful Entebbe rescue, during his second term he signed off on the Oslo agreement which was followed by a large and bloody siege of terrorism and continues to have catastrophic consequences for Israel. He shared a Nobel peace prize with Yasser Arafat for his disastrous actions.

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Editor: Rael Jean Isaac

Editorial Board: Ruth King, Rita Kramer

Outpost is distributed free to Members of Americans for a Safe Israel

Annual membership: $100.

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Online now: Ben-Gurion Part 2: Battle for Authority

Battle for Authority chronicles David Ben-Gurion’s efforts to impose a single authority over the Jewish people, leading to his decision to take control of the World Zionist Organization and his clash with Revisionist leader Vladimir “Ze’ev” Jabotinsky.

There are already 41 videos on the site, covering everything from Zionism’s early years to Christian Zionism to Israel’s War of Independence. is free. You need only register to see the videos and to be informed when the next video is available.

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Clogged Gasline William Mehlman

There are 22 trillion cubic feet of natural gas with an estimated market value of upwards of $70-$100 billion lying seven kilometers beneath Israel’s territorial Mediterranean waters. The chances of that massive energy pool, dubbed “Leviathan,” seeing the light of day were placed under a heavy cloud in April by a 4-1 decision of Israel’s High Court of Justice striking down a painfully negotiated 10-year development agreement between Jerusalem and Leviathan’s discoverers, Texas-based Noble Energy and Delek Group, Noble’s Israeli partner, that would have had the gas flowing by 2019. Also struck down or at least placed in limbo by the High Court were some $15 billion in prospective gas supply deals with Jordan, Egypt and Turkey, none of whom was about to allow its lack of affection for the Jewish state to stand in the way of its economic priorities. They obviously never figured being outdone in that department by an Israeli court.

Some might argue that “struck down” is an overly harsh description of the Court’s action, in that it grants the government a year to amend the Judges’ principle objection to the agreement, i.e., that a “Stability Clause” locking in for the consortium a minimum return on investment, a cap on liability and insurance against any change in taxation and regulation over the next 10 years constitutes an unacceptable restriction on government policy. The decision, however, was a stunning victory for the petitioners against the agreement, a gaggle of left-wing Israeli NGOs and their like-minded Knesset supporters, to whom the concept of a reasonable return on billions in high-risk investment is synonymous with grand theft. The booby prize goes to Benjamin Netanyahu, who bet the mortgage on an unprecedented personal appeal to the Court for his gas agreement and walked away with his pocket picked. “Netanyahu went out on a limb,” as one observer noted, “and got busted in a very public way.”

Listening to the celebrants rave about their triumph over the rapacious “gas barons,” one might be tempted to believe that they’d snatched the keys to the kingdom from being handed to Noble-Delek in a garage sale auction. Nothing could be further from the truth. The consortium, which has been pumping gas out of Israel’s smaller Tamar offshore field over the past two years, will face a levy on profits from Leviathan in excess of those agreed to after recovery of development costs, plus a 12.5 percent royalty to the Israeli Treasury, plus 25 percent of taxable income. Moreover, though capital gains taxes are not normally assessed on foreign investors in Israel, that is not the case in this instance. The government will reap taxes at 25-32 percent on any portion of its holdings in Leviathan the consortium might sell in order to ease its risk and cost burdens.

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From the Editor: Rael Jean Isaac

Anti-Semitism Turns Violent at UC Irvine

At least fifty troublemakers from the Muslim Student Union and Students for Justice in Palestine (a better name would be Students for Eliminating Jews from Israel), shrieking “Long live the Intifada” and various profanities, pounded on the doors and windows and blocked the exits at the screening of Beneath the Helmet, a documentary on the Israel Defense Forces, which was being shown as part of an event hosted by Students Supporting Israel at the college. Jewish students were forced to call the police who escorted them to safety. Eliana Kopley, a sophomore pursued by the mob, says: “I was terrified. There is no other word to describe how I felt.”

At a time when “microaggressions” (i.e. aggressions invisible to ordinary human beings) are taboo at campuses around the country, actual violence against Jewish students is not treated as a serious issue. Rabbi Yonah Bookstein, campus rabbi at UC Irvine for almost five years, says that this latest incident brings back his tumultuous and scary days there. He had dubbed the campus UC Intifida as a result of the “constant anti-Israel programs, racist and anti-Semitic speakers, anti-Israel marches, protests and disruptions and an administration that looked the other way or denied how bad it was. A repeat performance seems to be in the works as, in response to this latest outrage, Chancellor Howard Gillman has issued a lame email lamenting that the protest “crossed the line of civility.”

If Jewish students around the country, increasingly subject to attacks from Muslim and far left students and agitators, think they can count on university administrators, including Jewish administrators, they are fast learning otherwise. Retired librarian Steven Karetzky recently sent a letter to the local Jewish newspaper commenting on the failure of Jewish students at San Francisco State University to react, although they were spat upon and assaulted. The mayor of Jerusalem had recently been forced from the stage there while police stood passively by. Karetzky, now 70, writes that he grew up as the sole Jewish kid on the block in a low-class, anti-Semitic neighborhood and learned as a result to become the toughest kid in the neighborhood. He asks: “Why aren’t Jewish children and young adults instructed in self-defense and martial arts like I was? The ZOA provides lessons in Krav Maga—an easy form of self-defense taught to all male and female Israelis when they enter the military…With the huge amounts of money given by the Jewish community, surely some can be given to Jews of all ages to teach them to defend themselves.”

A Fake Museum for a Fake Palestine

Daniel Greenfield reports on the opening with much fanfare of the $24 million Palestinian Museum, in the works since 1998. Only one problem: there are no exhibits. It is a perfect metaphor for the Palestinian cause. Writes Greenfield: “Palestine is an empty building with nothing in it. It’s a political Potemkin village. There’s a flag, an anthem, a museum and all the trappings of a country. But if you look closer, there’s nothing inside.” Nothing daunted, the empty museum is replicating itself, planning satellite museums in Beirut, San Diego, London, Dubai and Gaza. As Greenfield sums it up: “The Palestinian Museum is as empty as the souls of a populace that has wholly given itself over to a cult of death. Nothing can be put in there except hatred of Jews.”

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U.S. Investment in – Not Foreign Aid to – Israel: Yoram Ettinger

In 2016, Israel is a major contributor to – and a global co-leader with – the U.S. in the areas of research, development, manufacturing and launching of micro (100 kg), mini (300 kg) and medium (1,000 kg) size satellites and unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs), as well as joint space missions, space communications and space exploration sounding rocket and scientific balloon flights. According to NASA Administrator, Charles Bolden, “Israel is known for its innovation. The October 15, 2015 joint agreement gives us the opportunity to cooperate with Israel on the journey to Mars, [highlighting Israel’s unique, extremely lightweight technologies, which conserve energy]….”

The annual U.S. investment in Israel – erroneously defined as “foreign aid”– has yielded one of the highest rates of return on U.S. investments overseas. Israel is neither “foreign,” nor does it receive “aid.”

From a one-way-street relationship, the U.S.-Israel connection has evolved into an exceptionally productive mutually-beneficial alliance. The U.S. is the senior and Israel the junior partner, in a win-win, geo-strategic partnership which transcends the 68-year-old tension between U.S. presidents (from Truman through Obama) and Israeli prime ministers (from Ben Gurion through Netanyahu) over the Arab-Israeli conflict and the Palestinian issue.

According to the former Supreme Commander of NATO forces and Secretary of State, the late General Alexander Haig: “Israel constitutes the largest U.S. aircraft carrier, which does not require a single U.S. boot on board, cannot be sunk, deployed in a most critical region to the U.S. economy and national security. And, if there were not Israel in the eastern flank of the Mediterranean, the U.S. would have to deploy – to the region – a few more real aircraft carriers and tens of thousands of troops, which would have cost the U.S. taxpayer some $15 billion annually. All of which is spared by the existence of Israel.”

Israel has been the most cost-effective laboratory of the U.S. defense industries, sharing battle experience and battle tactics. Thus Israel extends the U.S. strategic hand at a time when the U.S. is experiencing draconian cuts in its defense budget, curtailing the size of its military force and the global deployment of troops, while facing dramatically intensified threats of Islamic terrorism overseas and on the U.S. mainland.

The plant manager of Fort Worth, Texas-based General Dynamics (Lockheed Martin), which manufactures the F-16, asserted that Israeli lessons have spared the manufacturer 10-20 years of research and development, leading to over 700 modifications in the current generation of the F-16, “valued at a mega-billion dollar bonanza to the manufacturer.”

Similar lessons have been shared with the U.S. Army, Navy and Marine Corps and the U.S. manufacturers of tanks, armed personnel carriers, missile launchers, missiles, night navigation systems and hundreds of additional military and homeland security systems utilized by Israel. For instance, the Chattanooga, Tennessee-based Northrup Grumman plant, which manufactures explosive-neutralizing robots has increased its exports since Israel’s decision to employ its product, benefitting from weekly telephone conference calls with Israeli experts, who have shared with Northrup Grumman their operational lessons. Israel is to the U.S. defense industry what a triple-A tenant is to a shopping mall – enhancing value and drawing clients.

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Editor: Rael Jean Isaac
Editorial Board: Herbert Zweibon, Ruth King

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June 2017
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